Monday, November 30, 2009

POINTS TO REMEMBER

. Raja Rammohan Roy's Tuhfat-ul-Muwahhiddin, published in 1805, analysed the major religions of the world.
. Raja Rammohan Roy founded the Vedanta college in
1825. The college offered both Indian and Western
learning.
. Raja Rammohan Roy stood for trial by jury, separation of powers of the executive and the judicial, and judicial equality between Indians and Europeans. He criticised the zamindari system.
. The Young Bengal of the early 19th century refers to a band of young Bengali intellectuals, who were full of radical social and religious ideas.
. The Tattvabodhini Sabha was established by Debendranath Tagore in 1839 to carry on Rammohan's ideas independent of the Brahmo S3-maj.
. Debendranath Tagore reorganised the Brahmo Samaj in
1843, the year he became a Brahmo.
. Keshab Chandra Sen emphasised universalism as against
Debendranath Tagore's stress on national Hindu iden­
tity.
. Ishwar Chandra Vidyasagar devoted his entire life to the
issue of widow remarriage. While Rammohan Roy favoured an ascetic widowhood, Vidyasagar advocated a normal life for widow.
. Bethune School for women was founded in Calcutta in
1849.
. The main motto of the Ramakrishna Mission was to
provide social service to the people.
. Vishnu Bhikaji Gokhale, a great social reformer of
Maharashtra, was popularly known as Vishnubawa
Bra~achari.
. The Paramhansa Sabha, founded by Oadoba Pandurang
Tarkhadkar in 1840, was the first reform organisation of
Maharashtra in the 19th century.
. Bal Shastri Jambhekhar (1812-46) was the pioneer of the
intellectual movement in Maharashtra.
. In Bengal, the socia-religious movements began with a religious and philosophical note, while in Maharashtra social issues occupied a prominent position in these movements.
. The Paramhansa Sabha was a secret society; its meetings
were held in the strictest secrecy to protect the organisation from the wrath of the orthodox.
. The Vidhava Vivaha Uttejaka Mandai (Society for Encour­
agement of widow re-marriage) was founded by ViShnU
Parashuram Shastri Pandit in 1865.
. Jyotiba Phule, a Mali by caste, was the first Indian to
start a school for the untouchables in 1854. . Ram Krishna Gopal Bhandarkar was known as Maharshi. . Narayan Mahadev Permanand wrote under the pen
name of the 'Political Recluse'.
. Nibandhmala, a monthly Marathi magazine, was started
by Vishnu Shastri Chiplunkar in 1874.
. Kandukari Veeresalingam, known as the father of modem
Telugu prose, was the leading social reformer of South
India in the late 19th and the early 20th centuries.
. By and large, main goals of the socio-religious reforms of the 18th and 19th centuries were: upliftment of the position of women; monogamy, abolition of child mar­riage; monotheism, abolition of casteism, widow remar­riage and the end of superstitions and social bigotry. However, each reform movement did not promote each and every one of these goals.
. Nearly all reforms stood for the growth of Indian
vernaculars.
. Social reform movements viewed ignorance as a curse
to Indian society and attributed it as the rootcause for
the prevalence of superstitions and obscurantism.
. Change and continuity both constituted the basic ele­ments in the movements for social transformation. . The Sudhi movement of the Arya Sabha aimed at
converting non-Hindus to Hinduism.
. The socio-religious movements were basically an urban
phenomenon, i.e. they originated and operated in the
urban areas only.
. Nearly all the intellectuals associated with social reform movements were unanimous that condition of Indian women was deplorable and wretched. They all emphasised the spread of education among women to be a necessary precondition for their liberation.
. The battle of the socio-religious reforms against brahmanism was not confrontationist in nature; the reforms just tried to avoid caste-hostility.
. The 19th century reformers' attack against conversion of Christianity and Christian influence was not directed against the Christian community. It was theological in nature and not communal.
. The social reform in the nineteenth century was not secondary to religious reform. Reformers believed in an organic connection between religious and social life.
. In terms of impact, despite reformers' best endeavours to appeal to the masses, their appeal for all practical purposes remained limited to urban middle classes.
. The most significant contributions of the nineteenth
century reformers lay in (i) abolition of Sat legalisation of widow-remarriage, and (Hi) the re; female education.
. Although the reform movements did not directly on the political issues, they created a space for thel for the subsequent Indian National Movement.
. The social reform movements in Maharashtra IT divided into two distinct strands: (i) the radical n represented by Jyotiba Phule, and (ii) the late mo reforms represented by Mahadev Govind Ranad
. Raja Radhakant Deb organised the orthodox Hine
counter the Brahmo Samaj.
. Dayanand Saraswati termed the vedas as India's
of Ages' and gave the slogan 'Go Back to the \
. Jyotiba Phule's religion rests on 33 principles of
which include freedom and equality of men and w,
. [sara (warning), a pamphlet published in 1855, co:
Jyotiba's main ideas on economics of the ag
classes.
. Jyotiba Phule considered British rules conduci\ social reforms among the sudras and opposed the I National Congress, for it failed to take up pE problems.
. After the death of Jyotiba Phule, Chhatrapati ~ Maharaj of Kolhapur took the mantle of the Satyas( movement. Under Shahu, the movement acquiJ narrow complexion.
. An inherent weakness in the Jyotiba's movement that it did not see the essential link between ma conditions of the people and their culture.
. The social bases of the Justice Party were the Brahmin zamindars and the urban business gr Hence, it served the political interests of these cJ only.
. E.V. Ramaswamy Naicker, or Periyar, founder of the Respect Movement, in Tamil Nadu, resigned froD secretaryship of Madras Provincial Congress Comrr over a segregated casting arraJ}gement for the Brab
and non-Brahmins in a gurukUC1-un by the Congress broke off with Gandhiji on the issue of Varnas~ dharma.
. The upper caste non-Brahmins-Kammas, Reddis Velamas-dominated the Self-Respect Movemer Andhra Pradesh, where the leaders of the move
called a conference in Kollur (Guntur) in 1916 to de the meaning of the term 'Sudra'.
. The non-Brahmin movement in Karnataka was s)
headed by Vokkaligas and Lingayats.
. Under the Leslie Miller Committee, set up unde! pressure of non-Brahmin leaders of Kamataka, government passed an order for an equitable comm representation in the public service.

THE CONGRESS' HARIJAN MOVEMENT

THE CONGRESS' HARIJAN MOVEMENT It was after 1917 that the Congress began seriously focussing its atten­tion on elev"ating the social status of the lower and back­ward castes. The emergence of Gandhi as a strong force in the Congress helped in furthering caste reform aims and activities. In 1921, the Congress made an appeal for the removal of untouchability. A committee was set up in 1922 and a resolution was passed in 1923 for the purpose. Gandhi started an All-India Anti-Untouchability League, also called the Harijan Sevak Sangh, in 1932 for providing all kinds of facilities to the untouchables to improve their lot. The weekly Harijan was founded by him in 1933.

OTHERS

The Knivartas of Midnapur (Bengal), who became the Mahishyas, founded the Jati Nirdharani Sabha in 1897 and the Mahishya Samiti in 1901. Both these associations were involved in the nationalist struggle. The untouchable called Namsudras, of Faridpur, also formed associations with the help of some educated persons and missionaries.

The Kurmis and the Alurs were among the lower castes agitating in Bihar against the begar system by refusing to obey laws and to sell cow products to upper castes.
The Maharaja of Kolhapur worked for the upliftment of non-brahmins by establishing schools for them, reserving civil service posts for them, and by teaching them to do the Vedic ceremonies.

B.R. AMBEDKAR AND HIS DEPRESSED CLASSES MOVEMENT

B.R. AMBEDKAR AND HIS DEPRESSED CLASSES MOVEMENT

Dr. Bhimrao Ramji Ambedkar's movement worked for the upliftment of the untouchables by fighting for their educational, legal and political rights and encour­aging them to throw off the traditional caste duties imposed on them. His programme involved mass agitations, con­demnation of the Manusmriti and symbols of. caste hier­archy, and breaking of caste restrictions by doing the tabooed. His own caste, the untouchable Mahars who had earlier (in the 19th century) organised themselves under Gopal Baba Walangkar now began to vehemently demand liberation from caste restrictions. Ambedkar founded the Depressed Classes Institute (Bahishkrit Hitkarini Sabha) in
History Bombay in 1924, a Marathi fortnightly, Bahishkrit Bharat, in 1927, the Samaj Samta Sangh (1927) and the Independent Labour Party. He organised the Mahad satyagraha in 1927, the Parvati temple satyagraha (1928) and the Kalasam temple satyagraha (1930-35), to grant temple entry rights to the depressed castes. The Scheduled Caste Federation, a political party, was formed by him in 1942.

CASTE MOVEMENTS

CASTE MOVEMENTS

As has been stated, the early socio-religious reform move­ments played a major role in inspiring the nationalist, struggle by awakening the people and reforming the society. However, it is equally true that the nationalist struggle in turn contributed to the emergence of social reform move­ments. Almost all of these movements emerged in the 20th century to work for the upliftment of the lower and backward castes.

A major cause for the rise of caste movements was the grievances nurtured by the educated among the low and backwalJ castes. To improve their lot, the Bhakti and Neo­Vedantic movements worked by way of embracing the activities of Hindu reform associations. Schools for lower castes were started by K. Ranga Rao in the 1890's. The Depressed Classes Mission Society of India was started as an independent set-up by the Prarthana Samaj to provide facilities for education to persons from lower caste. The Depressed Classes Mission Society of Madras began func­tioning in 1909.
Caste movements also emerged to uplift the status of the deprived castes by helping them to assert a superior status by following the customs and manners of the traditionally superior groups. These movements, termed Sanskritisation movements, began among the Nadars and Pallars of Tamil Nadu (who claimed a kshatriya status), the Ezhavas and Nairs of Kerala and the Chamars of Jaunpur (who followed the ways of the Siva-Narayana sect).

Radical movements arose from the desire to challenge the domination of brahmins and question the very basis of the traditional caste set-up.

The British rule, on one hand, encouraged movements for the upliftment of castes, both directly and indirectly, and on the other, strengthened caste feudalism by forming alliances with landlords and feudal classes and through non-interference in religion. Its divide and rule policy and the 1890 census which classified castes generated a great deal of confusion and caste uprisings. The Caste Disabilities Removal Act of 1850 and the Special Marriage Amendment Act of 1872 helped in breaking caste rigidity.

Some of the important caste movements are discussed below.

JYOTIBA PHULE AND THE SATYA SHODHAK SAMAJ Jyotiba Phule, belonging to a low caste Mali family, founded the Satya Shodhak Samaj in 1873 to fight brahrninic domi­nation and to liberate low castes by educating them and teaching them their rights. The movement involved a great deal of support from the educated urban of the low castes and rural Maratha peasants. Jyotiba Phule also started a school for untouchables (1854), and an orphanage for widows. His books Glzulam-giri (1872) and Sarvajanik Satyadlzarma Pustak questioned the traditional customs and beliefs of society.

SHRI NARAYANA GURU'S CONTRIBUTION Shri Narayana Guru (1855-1928), a socio-religious reformer who represented the aspirations of the untouchable Ezhavas or Iravas of Kerala, was opposed to brahminic or the priestly class domination and worked to secure temple entry rights to the depressed castes as well. In 1888, he began the Aravippuram Movement with the installation of a Shiva idol at Aravippuram. He set up the Sri Narayana Dharma Paripalana Yogam (SNDPY) in 1902-03 to fight for temple entry rights to untouchables. The SNDPY had a great impact on the movement of the Adi-Andhra Dalits of Kerala.

THE JUSTICE PARTY MOVEMENT Dr. T.M. Nair, Sir Pitti Theagaraja Chettiar and the Raja of Panagal formed the South Indian Liberal Federation (SILF) in 1916 to protest against the domination of brahmins in government service, education and in the political field. Their non-brahmin manifesto demanding non-brahmin representation in gov­ernment service can be seen as the first-ever cohesive demand for caste-based reservation. The newspaper, Jitstice, was their main organ for expressing views and opinions. The SILF came to be called the Justice Party which ex­pressed loyalty for the British. The party's efforts contrib­uted to the passing of the 1930 Government Order of providing reservations to groups. Under Periyar, the Justi Party became Dravidar Kazhagam (in 1944). Periyar al came up with the concept of a land for the Dravidia (Dravida Nadu).

THE NAIR MOVEMENT The leaders of the N movement in Kerala, who opposed the socio-political dOli nation by the Namboodari brahmans and the non-Malay brahmans, were C.V. Raman Pillai, K. Rama Krishna Pillai
and M. Padmanabha Pillai. The Malayali Memorial was formed by Raman Pillai in 1891. He resurrected the military glory of the Nairs in his novel, Martanda Varma (1891). Rama Krishna as editor of the Swadeshabhimani (1906-1919), de­manded political rights for the Nairs The Nair Service Society was set up by Padmanabha Pillai in Travancore in 1914.

SELF-RESPECT MOVEMENT The radical movement was launched by Periyar or E.V. Ramaswamy Naicker in Tamil Nadu in 1925, to awaken non-brahmans for over­throwing brahminic superiority. The movement organised weddings without involving the brahmins and temple entry. The Manusmriti was condemned for its caste bias. Periyar also brought out the journal Kndi Arasu, in 1924.

THE NADAR MOVEMENT
The untouchable shanans of the district of Ramnad (Tamil Nadu) claimed kshatriya status by imitating kshatriya customs to emerge as the Nadars. The Nadar Mahajan Sangam was formed in 1910 to promote education and social welfare among the Nadars.

PARSI REFORM

PARSI REFORM

One of the leaders of the Parsi reform movement of the 19th century was Dadabhai Naoroji. He joined J.B. Wacha, S.S. Bengalee and Naoroji Furdonji to form the Rahanumai Mazdayasanan Sabha (Religious Reform Association), in 1851. Its aim was to improve the social condition of the Parsis and to restore the purity of Zoroastrianism. The founders started the Rast Coftar (Truth Teller), a weekly journal, for Parsi reform. The Zoroastrian Conference was set up to consider social and religious matters.

THE DEVA SADAN Behramji M. Malabari, who staw1ch1y opposed child marriage and compulsory widow­hood, formed the Seva Sadan in 1885. The organisation focussed on the welfare of the socially deprived especially the women. Efforts of the Seva Sadan played a major role in ushering in the Age of Consent Act in 1891.

REFORM AMONG THE SIKHS

The Sikh religious reform movement began with the found­ing of the Khalsa College in Amritsar in the 19th century. The Gurdwara Reform Movement for liberating the gurdwaras from their corrupt mahants tumed into the Akali movement. The Akalis' contribution bore fruit with the passing of a new Gurdwara Act by the Government in 1922.

MUSLIM REFORM MOVEMENTS

MUSLIM REFORM MOVEMENTS

The Muslims were not far behind in their socia-religious reform movements. A beginning had been made by the l Muhammedan Literary Society, formed in 1863, to debate social, religious and political issues and encourage western education among Muslims.

SYED AHMED KHAN AND THE AUGARH MOVE­MENT A man who upheld the power of rational thinking, Sir Syed Ahmed Khan encouraged Mulsims to accept the virtues of western education and urged them to apply the principle of enquiry to religion. He believed the Quran to be the true scripture. His fight against superstition and obscurantism continued throughout his life. For a rational and scientific order in society, he founded a scientific society in 1864, an Urdu journal, Tahzib-al-akhlaq in 1870, and the Aligarh School on May 24, 1875. The school was made into the Muhammadan Anglo-Oriental College in 1877. The college grew into the Aligarh Muslim University and this was where Syed Ahmed's movement was centred.

Though initially a supporter of a Hindu-Muslim alli­ance, he gradually came round to the view that the goodwill of the British was necessary for the Muslims who would otherwise be subjugated by the Hindus. Thus, the Aligarh Movement is seen as having sown the seeds of Muslim separatism.

THE AHMADIYA MOVEMENT The movement was formed by Mirza Ghulam Ahmad (1839-1908), in 1889. Mirza Ghulam initially defended Islam from the attacks of the Christian missionaries and the reformers. But he went on to proclaim himself as a Messiah and an incarnation of Krishna. Western liberalism and the Hindu religious reform movements had much impact on him. His movement embraced the belief in a universal religion, opposed sacred wars and encouraged fraternal relations among all.

THE DEOBAND MOVEMENT In 1866, the Deoband School of Islamic Theology was set up at Deoband by Rashid Ahmad Gangohi and Muhammad Qasim Nanautavi to promote studies in c1.assical Islam and moral and reli­gious regeneration of Muslims. The school did not support western education and culture. Its religious teachings that encompassed a liberal interpretation of Islam earned it a high reputation. The school's followers included notable personalities such as Maulana Abul Kalam Azad, Mahmud­ul-Hasan and Shibli Numani, who founded the Nadwatal Ulama and Darul Ulum in Lucknow, in 1894-96.
T A' AYUUNI MOVEMENT The religious teachings of Shah Wali-Allah formed the basis of the Ta'ayuuni move­ment which was led by Karamat Ali Jaunpuri. The Ta'ayuunis opposed innovations and syncretistic practices. They got into conflict with the followers of the Faraidi or Faraizi movement owing to differences in perception.

LOKAHITAWADI'S REFORM ACTIVITIES

Gopal Hari Deshmukh or Lokahitawadi (1823-92), was a profound scholar and social reformer who encouraged people to acquire western education and a rational outlook. He advocated female education for the upliftment of women. In his many articles, essays and books, he denounced the dominance of the old social outlook, the extreme stress on religion in daily life, the selfish attitude of the rich and pleaded for a humanitarian attitude and social service.

RADHASWAMI MOVEMENT

The movement was founded by Tulsi Ram or Shiv Dayal Saheb (also, Swamiji Maharaj), in 1861. The sect preached belief in one supreme being, the Guru's supreme position and a simple social life for the believers (the Satsang). It does not recognise temples and shrines. The belief is that spiritual fulfilment can be gained without giving up the worldly life.

DEVA SAMAJ

The Samaj, founded by Shiv Narain Agnihotri in 1887, preached high moral and social conduct like, for instance, keeping oneself away from gambling and intoxicants. The Deva Shastra, a book of teachings, talks of the existence of the Supreme Being, the soul's eternal value and the supreme position of the Guru. The Samaj was popular only till 1813.

BHARAT DHARMA MAHAMANDALA

In 1902, various small organisations founded with the aim of defending orthodox Hinduism from the attacks of re­formers, such as the Arya Samaj, were united to form the Bharat Dharma Mahamandali. Based at Varanasi, the organisation also worked to usher in some reforms, and set up as well as managed Hindu educational and religious institutions.

INDIAN (NATIONAL) SOCIAL CONFERENCE

The Conference, founded by M.G. Ranade and Raghunath Rao for social reform, had its first session in December 1987. Its main focus was on abolition of polygamy and kulinism and it encouraged intercaste marriages. It began the 'Pledge Movement' to fight against child marriage. The Conference is sometimes referred as the social reform cell of the Indian National Congress.


SERVANTS OF INDIA SOCIETY

The society for social reform, formed by Gopal Krishna Gokhale in 1915, did notable work in providing famine relief and in improving the condition of the tribals.

SOCIAL SERVICE LEAGUE


Founded by Narayan Malhar Joshi, a Servants of India Society member, Narayan Malhar Joshi in 1911, the League aimed at discussions of social problems to inform public about social matters and better working and living condi­tions for the common people. The League set up schools, dispensaries, and libraries to achieve its objectives.

SEVA SAMITI

Hridayanath Kunzru, a member of the Servants of India Society, organised the Samiti at Allahabad in 1914, to improve the status of the suffering classes, reform criminals and to rescue those suffering in society. Social service undertaken by the Samiti contributed towards the spread of education and relief activities during floods and epidem­ics.

OTHERS

The Paramhans Mandali was founded in 1849. Its believers emphasised the unity of godhead and agitated to break caste rules.

The Students Literary and Scientific Society was formed in 1848. Its Gujarati and Marathi branch (Dnyan Prasarak Mandalis) debated popuiar science and social questions.

The Madras Hindu Social Reform Association was founded in 1878, by Virasalingam, to promote widow re-marriage. The Social Purity Movement of R. Venkat Ratnam Naidu worked to abolish the devadasi tradition and advocated temperance.
A reform movement was founded by Annie Besant in 1904, to promote Hindu social and religious advancement.

THE THEOSOPHICAL SOCIETY

THE THEOSOPHICAL SOCIETY

The society was formed by Madame H.P. Blavatsky and Colonel H.s. Olcott in 1875 who, after their arrival in India in 1886, established its headquarters at Adyar (near Ma­dras). But it was under Mrs. Annie Besant, who came to India in 1893, that the society gained immense ground. The aim was to resurrect India's glorious religious traditions to help Indians gain a spirit of cultural and national pride. The society stressed on universal brotherhood of human beings. In the field of education, the Central Hindu School was started by Besant in Banaras. It was later developed into the Banaras Hindu University by Madan Mohan Malaviya.

THE DHARMA SABHA

The Sabha was founded by Radhakant Deb (1794-1876), in 1830 for the protection of orthodoxy. Abolition of sati and other efforts of the reformers were condemned. However, the Sabha helped in the spread of western education among all.

DAYAN AND SARASWATI AND THE ARYA SAMAJ

DAYAN AND SARASWATI AND THE ARYA SAMAJ

A major social reform movement, Arya Samaj, was begun under the aegis of Moolshankar or Swami Dayanand Saraswati in 1875. Hailing the Vedas as the root of all knowledge, Dayanand gave the call of 'Back to the Vedas' to inspire Indians to take pride in their past. He was the first Hindu reformer to deal with attacks on Hinduism by launching a counter-attack and challenging the other reli­gions on their own ground. 'India for the Indians' was the political slogan of Dayanand Saraswati. He translated the Vedas and wrote the Satyartha Prakash, Veda Bhasya Bhumika and Veda Bhasya.

With a pan-Hindu revivalist framework and ideology, the Arya Samaj was an aggressive assertion of the Hindu faith over other religions. But it denounced its rites and supremacy of the Brahmins. Idolatry and superstitions were also discouraged. Its social reform programme stood for a varna system based on merit, not birth, besides rights to women and opposition to child marriage and untouchabil­ity. For the spread of western education, it established the Dayanand Anglo-Vedic (DAV) schools. The Samaj kindled national pride among a large following in Punjab, UP, Rajasthan and Gujarat. But the Samaj's militant attitude in the 'Cow Protection Movement' (1882), and its controversial 'Shuddhi Movement' for allowing converts to come back to Hinduism earned the Samaj unpopularity.

DEROZIO AND THE YOUNG BENGAL MOVEMENT

DEROZIO AND THE YOUNG BENGAL MOVEMENT

Henry Louis Vivian Derozio (1809-1831), appointed as a young teacher at the Hindu College, inspired a radical trend which gained great support from the Hindu College stu­dents. He edited the papers, the Hesperus and The CalcUi Library Gazette and was connected with the India Cazet Derozio's intellect and per:;onality drew young educatl Bengalis. Armed with a firm belief in truth, freedom ar reason, the Young Bengalis began attacking the vices of tl society. The movement included Rasikkrishna Mullic Tarachand Chuckervati and Krishnamohan Banerjee. TI journal, lnanavesan, and the Society for the Acquisition t General Knowledge served as their main organs of prop. gation. The movement existed only from 1826 to 1831. S.!' Banerjee termed the leaders of the movement as the 'pic neers of modem civilisation of Bengal'.

VIDYASAGAR

A well-known and active social reformer of the 19th centur was Vidyasagar. A Sanskrit scholar, his was a struggle fo securing women their rights. He opposed caste evils ani priestly domination as well. In 1850, he protested agains child marriage and in 1856, in Calcutta, he supervised th. first lawful widow re-marriage. He ran as many as 35 girl: schools, most of them at his own expense.

THE PRARTHANA SAMAJ

Founded in 1867, the Samaj had Mahadeo Govind Ranad{ as its chief mentor. M.G. Ranade prepared, "A Theist'~ Confession of Faith", 39 articles explaining his thoughts on theism. Its prominent leaders included Dr. Atmaram Pandarung and R.G. Bhandarkar. Its two main concerns, worship and reform of society, were promoted through emphasis on monotheism, upliftment of women, abolition
of caste discrimination and religious orthodoxy.

RAMAKRISHNA AND VIVEKANANDA

Ramakrishna Paramhansa (1834-86), was a simple rustic saint of Dakshineshwar in rural Bengal in the 19th century. He denounced the scriptures, rituals and priestly domina­tion and emphasised on renunciation, meditation and bhakti, for salvation. His disciple, Narendranath Dutta (1863-1902), also known as Swami Vivekananda, popularised the saint's message and made it more socially relevant. Vivekananda's portrayal of Hinduism in his speech at the World Parlia­ment of Religions in Chicago in 1893, astounded the audience. The Hinduism preached by Vivekananda was called 'Neo-Hinduism'. In 1897, two centres were opened at Belur, near Calcutta, and Mayavati, near Almora, which became the focal points of his Ramakrishna Mission. The Mission worked to help the poor, improve the social conditions for women, overhaul the education system and fought against the caste system and superstition.

Vivekananda urged the youth of ~dia to take inspiration from the Vedanta, which he held as the touchstone of reason, so that they could free India both politically and spiritually. He advocated the acquiring of physical and moral strength and pride in India's past glory. It was through such means that he sought to awaken the Indian nationalism for promoting reform, freedom and unity. Vivekananda's fiery spirit infused confidence in the minds of many freedom fighters. Vivekananda, who never came out with anti-British policies or open nationalism, is recognised by Subhash Chandra Bose as a spiritual leader of India's national struggle.

THE BRAHMO SAMAJ

Rammohan Roy and the Samaj Rammohan Roy (1772­1833), hailed as the 'Father of Modern India', represented a synthesis of the thoughts of the East and West. He condemned idolatry and polytheism in religion. In 1809, he wrote Tuhfat-i-Muwahidin (Gift to Monotheists), a Persian tract. Proclaiming the Vedanta Sutras as the fountainhead of Indian knowledge, he translated them into English between 1816 and 1819. Eclectic in his religious ideas, he worked to reform Hinduism while defending it from the attacks of Christian missionaries. In 1814, he founded the Amitya Sabha which became the Brahmo Samaj in 1828. The Brahmo Samaj was founded on the principle of reason as found in the Vedas and Upanishads.

It emphasised mono­theism. It believed that God was the source of all things that exist. Stressing on love for mankind and service to men, it was against belief in incarnation, meditation, sacrifices and existence of priests as mediators. It opposed idolatry, ritual, superstition, sati and the caste system. A champion of women's rights, Raja Rammohan wrote the tract 'Modem Encroachments on the Ancient Rights of Females according to the Hindu Law of Inheritance'. He advocated widow remarriage and education for women. It was largely due to his efforts that sati was declared a punishable offence when William Bentinck passed an Act (Regulation No. 17) against the same in December 1829. Rammohan established the Hindu college in Calcutta in 1817. In his letter to Lord Amherst in 1823, he pleaded for an English-medium edu­cation system in India teaching western sciences and phi­losophies. The Vedanta College formed in 1825, offered Indian as well as western learning. To initiate public opinion on political questions, he brought out the Sambad Kaumadi (1821), the first Indian newspaper managed and published by Indians, and a Persian weekly, Mirat-ul-Akbar.

Later Developments After Rammohan's death, the Samaj was led by Debendranath Tagore, who had organised a Tattvabodhini Sabha at Jorosanko and founded a monthly journal, Tattvabodhini Patrika, to spread its ideas. Keshab Chandra Sen, who founded in 1861 the fortnightly Indian Mirror-the first Indian daily paper in English-which articulated the Samaj's views, represented a very radical wing in the Samaj. Differences between Tagore and Sen led to a split in the Samaj in 1866. The Tagore group formed the Adi Brahrno Samaj while the Sen group formed the Brahmo Samaj of India. Debendranath compiled the Brahrno Dharma, a religious text, from various Hindu texts. He also explained the Brahrno form of worship or Brahrnopasana. Sen promulgated the Nav Vidhana to emphasise the mystic side of religion and fuse Hindu and Christian ideas.

A later schism came in 1878. It resulted when Keshab Sen violated the Brahrno Marriage Act of 1872 by getting his underage daughter married to the Maharaja of Cooch­Behar who was also underaged. The secessionists formed the Sadharan Brahrno Samaj which informed the public on social and political issues through journals such as the Tattva-Kaumudi, The Indian Messenger, The Sanjibari, The Navyabharat and Prabasi.

NATURE

The reform movements were influenced by two important intellectual criteria-rationalism and religious universalism. A rational secular outlook replaced blind faith in tradition and custom. The universalist perspective was not a purely philosophic concern; it influenced political and social out­look till religious particularism gained ground in the second half of the 19th century. Liberal ideas, national unity and progress were the main objectives and these were to be achieved through a struggle against backward elements of traditional culture as well as the repressive aspects of the colonial culture and ideology. Thus rejection of casteism and idolatry went hand-in-hand with emphasis on vernacular languages and an indigenous education system with the revival of ancient art and medicine and reconstruction of traditional Indian knowledge. The socio-religious move­ments were an integral part of the growing nationalist consciousness. They succeeded in breaking the colonial cultural hegemonisation process and made Indians proud of their heritage.

The early reform movements laid emphasis on both social and religious transformation of society. The reason is not hard to seek. Social customs and traditions of India are generally closely linked to religious injunctions, arising from religious beliefs and traditions in many cases. Indian reformers understood this close interaction between the social and religious spheres of thoughts and activity. It is also worth mentioning that the early social reform move­ments mainly aimed at general social welfare, and not, at improving the conditions addressing the concerns of a particular community or caste.

The 18th and 19th century reform movements display some major trends. Some of the reformers were of the view that reforms should be initiated from within the society. Among them were Rammohan Roy and Ishwar Chandra Vidyasagar. Some others believed in legislative interven­tion-that is, only state-supported reform movements could prove effective. With this concern in mind, the activities were undertaken by men like Keshab Chandra Sen, M.G. Ranade and others. The Young Bengal movement repre­sented reform initiated through symbols of transformation. It represented a radical trend in reform activity, without relying upon the cultural traditions of India for reform. Reform through social work was undertaken by many men including Dayanand Saraswati and Swami Vivekananda.

CAUSES OF SOCIO-CULTURAL AWAKENING IN THE 19TH CENTURY

CAUSES OF SOCIO-CULTURAL AWAKENING IN THE 19TH CENTURY

(i) Conditions favouring intellectual growth and awak­ening grew from the political, economic, social and cultural impact of British domination and repression.
(ii) Researches into India's past by Europeans as well as Indian scholars like Max Muller, Sir William Jones, Raja Rammohan Roy, Radhakanta Deva, Bhagwan Lal Indraji, RG. Bhandarkar, and M.G. Ranade led to its reinterpreta­tion. What ensued was a cultural and spiritual rediscovery of India.

(iii) Creative literature by scholars and writers such as Bankim Chandra, Keshav Chandra Sen, Madhusudan Dutt who combined the literary traditions of the past and the modern cultural developments awakened minds.
(iv) The Christian missionaries often denounced the customs and beliefs of Hinduism. Indian intellectuals thus realised the need for socio-religious reform to purge the
Indian society of its ills.

Socio-Religious Reform Movements

British rule in India was felt not just politically and economically; its social impact was deep as well. The constant drumming of the colonial ideology led to serious introspection about Indian culture among mainly the emerging middle class and the western-educated intellec­tuals. The result was that while some gained inspiration from the indigenous past, others held that modern western thought had to be imbibed to regenerate Indian society. The need for reform was, however, recognised unanimously.
In the 19th century Indian society was plagued by religious superstitions and social obscurantism. Hinduism had became narrow and sectarian owing to domination of priests and rituals. Social conditions were depressing, for evils such as rigid caste rules, untouchability, sati, infan­ticide and child marriage prevailed in the society. It was realised that unification of the nation would result only if the society were purged of the existent ills.

POINTS TO REMEMBER

. The Charter Act of 1813 abolished the monopoly of the East India Company in Indian trade. The 1833 Act abolished Company's monopoly in trade with China.
. The word 'factory' in the 17th and the 18th century English meant foreign trading stations set up by a merchant company.
. The forts built by the foreign merchants in India pro­vided a nucleus for spreading their (merchants) control over the neighbouring territory.
. The East India Company turned into a territorial power after undergoing the following three phases-the voyage system, the factory system and the fort system.
. In the early decades of the 19th century, the value of cotton cloth exported from India to England declined greatly, while that of the import of it from England increased by about 15 times.
. The East India Company was a joint stock enterprise, i.e. a number of stock or shareholders had invested their capital in it.
. A new company, the United Company of the Merchants of England Trading to East Indies was founded in 1708. But the new company continued to be called the East India company.
. The British government's monopoly right to the East India Company to trade with India and China was primarily motivated by the desire to bring home wealth from foreign trade. It was also meant to assure the investors of their income.
. The 'charter' issued by the British Parliament was a deed or a written grant of monopoly rights renewed from time to time by the government.
. 'Free Merchants' or 'interlopers' were the English mer­chants who indulged in private business, which was unauthorised under the charter. The main objective of the free merchants was to expand their business at the cost of the company's business.

IMPACT ON INDUSTRY AND TRADE

IMPACT ON INDUSTRY AND TRADE

While the British policies pushed traditional industries out of business, nothing much was done initially to fill the vacuum with modem industrial development. Whatever industries came into being were owned or controlled by British capital. The only industry in which Indians had fair share was that of cotton. At this stage the industries were confined to cotton, jute, coal, mining and plantation-based industries such as tea and indigo. There was no capital goods or heavy industry. It was only in the twentieth century that industry diversified into paper, glass, sugar, cement, matches, and chemicals. The Tata Iron and Steel Company was established (1907).

The First World War provided a fresh impetus to the process of industrialisation. It can be said that the British were forced by circumstances to permit introduction of modem industries in India due to the exigencies of the time.
The growth of modem industry in India was accom­panied by the rise of a capitalist class. The process was slow as India lacked capital and resources for big industries. The absence of necessary banking and credit facilities during the earlier part of British rule also stood in the way of growth of the capitalist class. But later on Indian traders and financiers were encouraged by the experience of the British capitalists who had invested huge amounts in India and made enormous profits. Industrial development also saw the rise of the modem working class.
Gradually, import substitution increased as indigenous industry made inroads first into consumer and then into capital goods. The outbreak of the Second World War helped Indian industrial growth, as the demands of war had to be met. However, India always lagged in the technologi­cal base as no encouragement was given by the government. The industrial development, moreover, was lopsided, and regional disparities grew.

The British have been praised for having established a good railway system in India. Private companies initially, and later on the government itself took up the building of railways. But the lines favoured British economic needs, as did the system of roadways. Major cities, ports and markets were linked to facilitate the export of raw materials and import of British manufactured items.

Foreign trade was again designed to benefit the British economy rather than that of India. Indian capital in the initial stage was engaged in activities such as import and distribution of piece goods and other manufactured items, while primary produce and raw materials were supplied to European companies for processing. The only important manufactured item exported from India was jute products. Where once Indian textiles had dominated foreign markets, now India was importing machine-made cloth. The opening of the Suez Canal, introduction of steamships, the construc­tion of railways benefited trade which showed a favourable balance for India. But the balance was used up in paying various dues charged by Britian in the form of cost of shipping and other services, and the Secretary of State's establishment-what were known as "Home Charges".

It was only in the twentieth century that Indian trade links extended to USA, Germany and Japan.

IMPACT OF BRITISH LAND REVENUE SYSTEMS

IMPACT OF BRITISH LAND REVENUE SYSTEMS

Various types of revenue settlement gave rise to a new form of private ownership of land in which, the benefit of the innovation did not reach the cultivators. Instead, it led to the impoverishment of the peasantry and hence rural
indebtedness.

With zamindar's permanent right on land, the ownership of land became inequal.
Land became saleable, mortgage­able and alienable to protect the government's rev­enue.
The village com­munity was divided into two hostile groups: land owning class and landless peasantry. The stability and continuity of the Indian village was shaken.

The village artisans became jobless and were converted into landless labourers.Under these systems, law courts, lawyer's fees and formal procedures replaced the old body of customs.

The British land revenue systems exposed the Indian peasantry to the exploitations of the money lenders and the middlemen. The government demand of revenues was arbitrarily high. In such a situation, the landlords delegated the collection of revenue to middlemen who squeezed high sums from the peasants.
The new systems gave rise to absentee landlordism as the practice of subletting revenue collection rights came into being.

Exorbitant revenue demands led to commercialisation of agriculture.

ABSENTEE LORDLORDISM OR SUBINFEUDATION

ABSENTEE LORDLORDISM OR SUBINFEUDATION The inability of zamindars to pay their dues to the government led to the beginning of absentee landlordism or subinfeudation. Under the permanent settlement, zamindars were obliged to pay a fixed amount by fixed dates every year, failing which meant the sale of their zamindaris (sunset rule). Many of the zamindaris were rated for large sums which the zamindars were not able to pay. As a result, zamindaris of many zamindars were taken away and sold to merchants, government officials and other zamindars. To meet the government demand to avoid eviction, many zamindars began to sublet their zamindaris. For example, the Raja of Burdwan divided most of his estate into fractions called patni taluqs. Each patni taluq was permanently rented to a holder (patnidar) who promised to pay a fixed rent. If the patnidar failed to pay, his patni could be taken away and sold. Many other zamindars resorted to such measures. Thus began the process of absentee landlordism or subinfeudation.

RYOTWARI SYSTEM (1820) & MAHALWARI SYSTEM (1822)

RYOTWARI SYSTEM (1820) This system was intro­duced in Malabar, Coimbatore, Madras and,Madurai. Sub­sequently, this system was extended to Maharashtra, East Bengal, parts of Assam and Coorg. Under this system, the ownership and occupancy rights of land were vested in the ryots or tillers of the soil. They were required to pay the revenue directly to the Company. They were free to sell or transfer their lands. But the system failed to protect the interest of the ryats. The rate of revenue was too high and the method of collection inflexible; the peasants were forced to take loans from money-lenders which made the latter exploit them.

MAHALWARI SYSTEM (1822) The British introduced this system in the Gangetic valley, the North-West prov­inces, parts of central India and Punjab. Under this system, the revenue was determined on the basis of assessment of the produce of a Mahal (estate consisting of several villages). Here the settlement was made with the whole village community jointly and separately. While the ownership rights were vested with the individual peasants, the respon­sibility of payment of land revenue of the Company rested jointly with the village community. This system rather than protecting the peasants increased the social inequalities and proved economically disastrous.

CHANGES IN AGRARIAN STRUCTURE

CHANGES IN AGRARIAN STRUCTURE In order to extract maximum revenue from the peasants, the British resorted to various forms of land settlements. The first step was taken by Warren Hastings in 1m, when he entrusted the responsibility for the collection of land revenue to the contractors and started the practice of auctioning the right to collect land revenue to the highest bidder for five years. This system resulted in the ouster of a large number of hereditary zamindars.

Permanent Settlement (1793) It was Lord Cornwallis who modified the above arrangement. He introduced the Permanent Settlement in 1793, according to which the zamindars were vested with proprietory rights over the land and were made responsible for the collection of land revenue. They were allowed to keep one-tenth to one­eleventh of the share but had to give the rest to the Company within a specified time. The most striking feature of this settlement was that, while the revenue demand was fixed, the rent to be realised by the landlord from the cultivator was left unsettled. The rate of revenue was on the higher side which proved a burden for the cultivators who became mere tenants. Later the zamindars got the right to evict tenants for non-payment of dues. This system, begun in Bengal and Bihar, was extended to Orissa, Varanasi and northern Madras

THE EFFECTS OF COMMER­CIALISATION OF AGRICUL­TURE

The growth and export of com­mercial crops impoverished India as the funds earned through this, got accumulated in the company's treasury in London. India received no imports in return for her exports of commercial crops.

The commercialisation of agriculture added a fresh element of instability to India's rural economy. The crops were now going to distant markets whose price pattern began to determine the incomes of the cultivators.

It checked the growth of labour market (except in the case of tea, the crops were not produced by hired labour), land market (exploitations associated with the land made it unwanted), input market (peasants had to use their own implements) and credit market (the bonded-labour like condition of the cultivators made them unable to attract credit from other sources).
There was no change in the method and organisation of production as commercial production remained tied to the existing structure of small peasant production.

DISINTEGRATION OF VILLAGE ECONOMY & DETERIORATION AND COMMERCIALISATION OF AGRICULTURE

DISINTEGRATION OF VILLAGE ECONOMY Village economy was badly affected. The village panchayats were deprived of their rights. The introduction of the concept of private property in land turned land into a market com­modity. Changes came in social relationships. New social classes like the landlord, the trader, the money-lender, and the landed gentry shot into prominence. The class of rural proletariat, the poor peasant proprietor, the sub-tenant and the agricultural labourer multiplied in number. The climate of co-operation gradually gave place to the system of competition and individualism; the pre-requisites for the capitalist development of agriculture were created.

DETERIORATION AND COMMERCIALISATION OF AGRICULTURE Over-crowding in agriculture resulted in excessive land revenue demand, growth of landlordism, rising indebtedness, and growing poverty among the class of cultivators. Indian agriculture began to stagnate, result­ing in very low yields per acre at a time when agriculture
all over the world was being modernised. Hardly any modem inputs were used in India for agriculture. Agricultural education was also completely neglected. There was hardly any spread of primary education or even literacy in the rural areas.
So far agriculture had been a way of life rather than a business enterprise. But it now began to be influenced by commercial consid­erations, i.e. certain specialised crops began to be grown not for consumption but for sale in the national and the international markets. Now commercial crops like tobacco, jute, oilseeds, spices, etc. were grown in larger quantity. But the highest level of develop­ment was in the field of plantation industry, i.e. in tea, coffee, rubber, indigo etc. which were owned by the Europeans.

IMPOVERISHMENT OF THE PEASANTRY & RISE OF NEW LANDLORDISM

IMPOVERISHMENT OF THE PEASANTRY

In permanently and temporarily settled zamindari a lot of the peasant was bad. He was left to the I the zamindars who raised rents to unbearable ~ condition of the cultivators in the Ryotwari and M areas was no better. Whenever the peasant faile land revenue, the Government put up his land fc collect the arrears of revenue. To avoid such a sitw peasant was forced to borrow money from the lenders. The money-lender charged a very high rate of interest which made things worse for the peasant.

RISE OF NEW LANDLORDISM
British economic policy favoured the rise of a new landlordism, as the high revenue demands forced traditional landowners to sell their land. Rich money-lenders and others bought this land and there was a spread of growth of subinfeudation or intermediaries. These intermediaries exploited the tenants who were little better than slaves. A harmful consequence of the rise and growth of zamindars and landlords was seen in the political arena during India's freedom struggle. They, alongwith the princes of protected areas, became the main supporters of foreign rule and opposed the rising national movement.

IMPACT ON INDIAN ECONOMY

DRAIN OF WEALTH The systematic policy of ferring the economic resources of India to Britain i.J erished the country. The officials of the British I government were paid out of the Indian exchequel money went out of India. There was a heavy tax t on the Indian people because large sums had to b annually as interest on loans contracted by the Gove~ of India. UnemploY}llent increased in India. It was first time in India's history that the balance of trade t unfavourable towards India.

DE-INDUSTRIALISATION The British caused 1 dous harm to the traditional handicraft industry decayed beyond recovery. Heavy customs dutiE imposed on Indian goods. The British officials ! preference for European goods. This provided an. to the demand for European goods and contribute decline of Indian handicrafts. The availability of n made goods in abundance at a comparatively low H greatly contributed to the decline of Indian handicri failure of the British Government to offer any protE indigenous industry also contributed to the de Indian handicrafts because they could not compt machine-made goods produced in bulk, and Consequently cheaper. With the subjugation of Indian princely 51 patronage to the handicraft industry ceased to exist.

RURALISATION
Indian economy tended to more and more agricultural with the disintegratio traditional industries. The increase in the number 01 in agriculture. did not mean increase in agricultural tion but impoverishment of the rural masses; then industrial alternative. This accounted for the famines and increasing poverty in the 19th and quarter of the 20th century. India merely became a of raw material for industrial Britain.

PERIOD OF FOREIGN INVESTMENT AND INTER­NATIONAL COMPETITION FOR COLONIES (1858 to 1947)

PERIOD OF FOREIGN INVESTMENT AND INTER­NATIONAL COMPETITION FOR COLONIES (1858 to 1947) The third stage of British exploitation of India began in the 186Os. This stage was marked by the entry of big amount of foreign capital in India. It was the result of three major changes in the world economic situation: (i) end of the Britain's financial supremacy with the industrialisation of other West European and American countries; (ii) occur­rence of several technological developments such as rise of steel and chemical industries, giving rise to extensive search for new and secure sources of raw material and food stuffs; and (iii) concentration of capital in banks and corporations and trusts and cartels. However, in India, the foreign capital was used by the colonial administration for fuller exploi­tation of Indian resources and not for their development. Thus the third stage of British rule was marked by a renewed upsurge of imperialist control.

Capital investment in India included (1) loans raised in England by the Secretary of State on behalf of the Indian government; (ii) loans raised by semi-public organisations mostly for investment in railways, irrigation, etc.; an foreign business investments.

PERIOD OF INDUSTRIAL CAPITALISM (1813 to 1858)

PERIOD OF INDUSTRIAL CAPITALISM (1813 to 1858) By 1813, the East India Company had turned into a mere shadow of economic and political power. Now the
. British government wielded the real power in the interests of the British capitalist class as a whole. The interests of the industrialist capitalists, which emerged as a result of industrial revolution in England, were very different from those of the East India Company. The British industrialists needed foreign outlets for their ever-increasing output of manufactured goods. At the same time, the British indus­tries needed raw materials and the British people needed food stuff, which had to imported. So, there was a constant pressure on the British government to turn India as a subordinate trading partner, as a market to be exploited, and as a dependent colony to supply raw materials and foodstuffs. The British Indian government set out, after 1813, to transform Indian administration, economy and society to achieve exactly these ends.

British capitalists were given free entry into India. Free trade (only for the British) was introduced, and India's ports and markets were thrown open to British manufac­turers. Tariff rates for the entry of British rule were very nominal. But the free trade imposed on India was one-sided. Indian products, particularly those having potential to give stiff competition to British goods, were subjected to heavy import duties in Britain.

The second phase of British exploitation resulted in a steep rise in the burden of taxation on the Indian peasant. It may be noted that the introduction of the new pattern of economic exploitation did not mean that the earlier forms of exploitation came to an end. In fact, they became more inhumane.

PERIOD OF MERCANTILISM (1757 to 1813)

The first phase of the British rule can be termed as exploitation by merchant capital in the context of mercantilism. The main objective of the East India company was to buy as much Indian goods as possible at the cheapest possible price and sell there goods in Britain and other foreign countries so that substantial profits can be made. The reckless and anarchic attempts to increase the purchases adversely affected the traditional Indian export industry, particularly the cotton industry. The government forced the textile weavers to sell their products below market prices. Many strict regulations were passed which reduced the weavers to the status of indentured labourers and gave them a life of abject poverty. For example, under the 1789 regulation, they were forced to pay a penalty of 35 per cent on the advance (given forcibly) taken if they made any default in supplying goods.

THREE STAGES OF BRITISH RULE IN INDIA

Many foreign powers arrived in India in the ancient and the medieval periods, but the nature of the English was entirely different from that of others. Other powers came to India either for a shorter period and left the country immediately after plundering it or they became an integral part of Indian society. But the English, during their long stay in the country, adopted the policy of exploitation. They established not only colonial rule but also colonial economy. The entire economic relations between the ruler and the ruled underwent drastic changes after the establishment of the colonial economy. Agriculture was commercialised, faulty revenue systems were introduced, transportation facilities were developed to serve the British purpose, irrational free trade policy was adopted, taxation became burdensome, industrial progress was halted, and the com­mon people were made the greatest victim of economic exploitation.

The British rule in India may be said to have started in 1757, after the East India company defeated the Nawab of Bengal at the Battle of Plassey. The 200-year British rule passed through the following three stages.